Eisler probes Saskatchewan's political and economic change in From Left to Right

It is common to look at periods of history in specific blocks of time, for example by the decade, or often by a specific era defined by a governing party. It’s a tidy way to compartmentalize events, as if they have specific beginnings and ends. Of course, they don’t. There is no beginning and end to history. It’s a continuum, or as historian Arnold Toynbee once said: “History is just one damned thing after another.” But the aggregation of exact and often conflicting events can still form discernible patterns because so much of what happens is cause and effect, which allows for an understanding of why things unfolded the way they did. For Saskatchewan there are several such defining episodes. One was the early years of immigration and settlement, when the social and economic fabric of the province was established. Another era that had a powerful influence on the psychology and politics of the province was the 1930s Great Depression and drought. A third era was the post-Second World War years when Saskatchewan entered a period of relative economic stability and modest growth. Those episodes in the life and development of the province certainly were all inter-connected, but each in its own discreet way had specific identifiable characteristics that were unique to the precise era. I believe another such period can be identified as the years from the late 1960s to late-1990s. Although not precisely aligned—nothing ever is in the seamless unfolding of history—one can point to two provincial elections, one in 1971 and the other in 1999, as political bookends that provide a framework to understand the Saskatchewan of today. It is that particular stretch of time when major issues confronting the province were grappled with and addressed. The result was that effectively a new province emerged at the dawn of a new century. The Saskatchewan of today is far different from the province that was seen as something of an outlier in terms of taking a different political and economic approach than others. At one time, Saskatchewan had the reputation as a place with a distinctive and somewhat unique collectivist culture. It was evident in the co-operative movement, the rise of farm organizations that sought to gather farmers in groups that enhanced their market power. Politically it became expressed in the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, which later became the New Democratic Party, which together for decades formed what was seen as the “natural governing party” of the province. The primary example of that political culture, of course, was Saskatchewan as the pioneer of publicly funded, universally accessible health care. The implementation of a groundbreaking provincial system of medicare in 1962 became a defining moment for the province in that, more than anything else, it shaped others’ perceptions of Saskatchewan. To this day 60 years later, medicare remains an important symbol for some that is seen to reflect the province’s character. But it is also true that the lingering effect of that moment in time is dissipating as a different Saskatchewan has emerged. An important factor that created external perceptions of Saskatchewan as having its own distinctive political culture was in comparison to Alberta. Both provinces entered Confederation on the same day in 1905. And while each has experienced the rise of Prairie populism, their politics and economies diverged. In Alberta, its modern economy emerged with the development of its rich oil and gas sector that was fuelled by private investment. Meanwhile, Saskatchewan’s economy remained much more agrarian and collectivist in terms of its agricultural institutions. When the province’s more diverse natural resource sector began to develop, government ownership played a much bigger role than it did in Alberta. For a time, government ownership in Saskatchewan was a significant tool used to exploit resource development, a public-policy approach that was seen to reflect the history and political culture of the province. But what the two provinces shared was a history shaped by alienation from the centres of political and economic power in Central Canada, and the Prairie populist politics it spawned. The three decades that ended with the turning of the page to a new century had within it powerful and momentous issues at the global, national and provincial level that altered the province in profound ways. But what unfolded in those years was not isolated to that period. The events were also a reaction to what took place before, during, and after. So, for the purposes of trying to make sense of history, the period can be identified as having a beginning and an end, even though it didn’t then and doesn’t today. There can be little doubt that Saskatchewan has undergone a political and economic transformation over the course of recent decades. It is most evident politically. The Saskatchewan Party, which emerged in the late 1990s as an alternative to challenge the political dominance of the NDP, has become the natural governing party of the province. The evidence of that fact is undeniable. It has created a hegemony that includes complete dominance of rural Saskatchewan, and strength in urban areas that exceeds the New Democratic Party, which has been forced to the margins of electoral politics. The degradation of the NDP to the point that today it is no longer a seriously competitive electoral factor in much of the province, let alone the dominant force it once represented, is the greatest evidence of the province’s transformation … … In terms of the political and economic transformation of Saskatchewan, it is difficult to know where to begin when considering the demise of the New Democratic Party. As with most things, there is no one obvious moment or event when the party’s future, even existence, was clearly in peril. There are always many factors, a combination of influences and people, that lead to transformative outcomes. The same is true for the fate of the NDP. One can point to several things, each with more or less significance. The unfolding of events through the course of more than half a century have led to the political and economic reality of Saskatchewan today. There was the loss of the party’s Prairie populist roots when Tommy Douglas left the leadership in 1961. From that point forward, the NDP was never to regain what it had in the charisma and pragmatic populism of Douglas. There have been the endless struggles between left and centrist factions in the party, all of which took its toll on the party, sapping its energy and shaping its public image. Too often the NDP was seen as a crucible for pitched ideological battles, dear to the hearts of ideologues, but far removed from the reality of Saskatchewan people. There were also conflicts with the federal government in the 1970s and early 1980s. At stake was control of natural resources and the details of a Canadian constitution that would alter the power balance between elected politicians and the courts. It was a period when the New Democrats were in power and lost touch with the struggles of a population dealing with an extended period of stagflation. It was a time that led to the re-emergence of populism and the rise of the Grant Devine government. There were the difficult, gut-wrenching decisions in government of the 1990s when the party had to deal with a fiscal crisis of debt that forced the closure of rural hospitals, exacting a political price that is still being paid to this day. There was the coalition with a handful of Liberals to maintain power, which effectively created a two-party political landscape. It resulted in a polarized configuration that the NDP had long sought to avoid, knowing that a polarized electoral environment would most likely lead to defeat. There have been successive changes in leadership in the last 15 years, none of which produced the kind of introspection and critical analysis a party needs to regenerate itself and adapt to the reality of the world it faces. Then, there are other more extraneous factors – in other words, not so much what the NDP did or didn’t do, but what others did. In that regard, it leads you to the rise of the Saskatchewan Party, and the influence of Brad Wall as premier. There are those, usually ones with opposing ideological views, who branded Wall and his government as right-wing conservatism. Some use the term “neoliberal”. But in many ways, those sorts of labels, whether it’s “neoliberal” or “social democratic”, have lost much of their meaning. The Wall government was a good example. From Left to Right: Saskatchewan’s Political and Economic Transformation, by Dale Eisler, University of Regina Press. This is an excerpt from Eisler's book, which is one five books nominated for this year's Shaughnessy Cohen Prize for Political Writing. The Writers' Trust award this prize annually for an exceptional book of literary nonfiction that captures a political subject of relevance to Canadian readers, or one the best Canadian political books of the year. Editor's note: Dale Eisler's book was published by the University of Regina Press, not the University of Toronto Press. This has been corrected online and The Hill Times apologizes for this error. Two Questions for Dale Eisler Why did you write this book? "I spent much of my 25 years as a journalist living in Saskatchewan writing about its politics and government. When I left the province in the 1990s, the NDP was firmly entrenched in power with the political opposition in disarray. The NDP was widely regarded as the the dominant political party, a reputation that was built over several decades. While the defeat of the NDP government in 2007 after 16 years in power was not in itself surprising, what has been is the utter dominance of the centre-right Saskatchewan Party. Now in power for 16 years itself, the Saskatchewan Party shows no significant signs of erosion in its support. I wrote the book to understand the political transformation of Saskatchewan and why it happened, which I believe is one of the more interesting stories in Canadian politics." Why is your book important and who should read it? "As the first jurisdiction in North America to elect a socialist government in 1944, and later the birthplace of medicare, Saskatchewan had a unique political identity in Canada. It was seen as decidedly on the 'left' of Canadian politics, a province where the NDP elsewhere in Canada looked to as the party's 'homeland.' The fact Saskatchewan could undergo such a significant transformation is about more than a province. I believe it's a lesson in how underlying political attitudes change in response to larger issues shaping the economy and society." The Hill Times

Eisler probes Saskatchewan’s political and economic change in From Left to Right

The following is an excerpt from Dale Eisler's book, From Left to Right: Saskatchewan’s Political and Economic Transformation, published by the University of Regina Press, and nominated by the Writers' Trust as one of the best political books of the year.

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Eisler probes Saskatchewan’s political and economic change in From Left to Right

The following is an excerpt from Dale Eisler's book, From Left to Right: Saskatchewan’s Political and Economic Transformation, published by the University of Regina Press, and nominated by the Writers' Trust as one of the best political books of the year.

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