Canada should take a more active role in supporting peace on the Korean peninsula

Along with the disturbing news of recent missile tests from North Korea comes intelligence suggesting that North Korea is preparing its first nuclear weapon test in five years. In 2022 alone, North Korea has launched more than 40 missiles. While missile tests themselves are not new, the changing global landscape presents unique challenges and unprecedented opportunities for Canada to play a meaningful role contributing to peace in the Korean peninsula. Will Canada sit on the sideline, or step up? Instead of remaining a junior partner to the United States, Canada can forge a more impactful path by looking honestly at our diplomatic actions and developing our own approach to supporting peace on the Korean peninsula. The international diplomatic arena is shifting from one driven by the U.S., to a world of multiple powers and voices. The Biden administration has proposed “an alliance of values” under U.S. leadership. Yet, as noted in the 2021 Trudeau Foreign Policy Report Card by iAffairs: “The Americans’ success in Cold War leadership was rooted in compelling democratic values and support for human rights. But today, the ideologies of the Cold War—and the brief unipolar moment that followed it— are no longer top of mind for many of America’s allies, let alone much of the world.” Not only can Canada contribute to strengthening different avenues for peace because of our international standing, but also resolving conflict on the Korean peninsula benefits its own national security and economic health, writes Shilbee Dhalla-Kim. Photograph courtesy of Shilbee Dhalla-Kim Amidst these changes, Dr. Seong Whun Cheon, a former secretary of security to the president of South Korea, asked Canada to “wake up.” “Canada could utilize its good international standing to play a moderator in the great power competition rather than to passively bandwagon the American initiative,” explained Cheon. Not only can Canada contribute to strengthening different avenues for peace because of our international standing, but also resolving conflict on the Korean peninsula benefits our own national security and economic health. “While not targeted at Canada, the flight paths of missiles aimed at the United States fly over Canada,” explained Dr. Stephen R. Nagy, senior associate professor in the department of Politics and International Studies at the International Christian University in Tokyo. There is the staggering potential cost to the Canadian economy resulting from the economic instability of the Korean peninsula. According to the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada’s Investment Monitor, Canada benefited from C$19.6-billion in South Korean investments from 2003 to 2020. South Korea is also a major destination for Canadian agricultural products and natural resources. Continued and aggravated conflicts in the Korean peninsula can spell trouble for already struggling Canadian businesses, large and small. Paul Thoppil, Assistant Deputy Minister of Asia-Pacific at Global Affairs Canada said, “Our youth—and most of the population—think about climate change as the number one global issue. That will be won or lost by what happens in the Indo-Pacific, which contributes over 50 per cent to carbon dioxide emissions.” Further, the continued impact of COVID-19 reveals just how interwoven and interdependent our societies are in reality. What transpires in the Indo-Pacific region—a growing epicentre of socioeconomic and political changes—affects us in our own backyard. Peace on the Korean peninsula is a matter of shared survival. With the goal of creating bold policy solutions on this matter, the Peaceful Unification Advisory Council Toronto organized the Korean Peninsula Peace Forum 2022 on Oct. 18 in Ottawa to envision Canada’s role in the Korean peninsula and the Indo-Pacific. “If there is a time we should be walking together, the time is now,” emphasized Anh Ho-Young, former South Korean ambassador to the U.S., who echoed the sense of urgency felt in the room. The question of how, however, was varied and complex. “Six-party talks format is dead,” Jonathan Miller, director at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, said, emphasizing the importance of multiple forums. “We need to be nimble,” he shared. “As we heal our bilateral relationship with China,” shared Jonathan Fried, former senior foreign policy adviser to the prime minister, “dialogue with Beijing is key to a path forward.” Professor Youngjun Kim at the Korea National Defense University pointed to the fact that North Korea and China have never done military exercises together as a potential signal of fraught relationship between the two—a paradigm shift to view alliances differently in that region. Some in the audience suggested opening a mission in Pyongyang to foster dialogue and relations with North Koreans through Canadian presence. Christopher Green, a senior consultant at Crisis Group, reminded us that Canada had a good reputation for creative engagements with North Korea and that humanitarian engagement was encouraged wherever possible. Despite such a reputation in some parts of the world, Canada is not always invited to the table. “During the creation of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, 14 countries were picked and is not one of them. That’s a problem,” shared Trevor Kennedy, VP of Trade and International Policy at the Business Council of Canada. This raises the question: why is this the case? Has Canada shown up consistently? Will we do so moving forward? In 2023, Canada and Korea will celebrate the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations. We believe our long-standing friendship can help us find creative solutions to the tough questions we face together. To get there, we will need to continue showing up for one another. Shilbee Dhalla-Kim is a member of the Peaceful Unification Advisory Council, Toronto Chapter.