Canada’s legacy on procurements worrisome

As a former police officer with military training, I know all too well that there are bad people, bad governments, and bad situations from which we have to protect ourselves, but in a way that is effective … and cost effective. The Canadian Forces (CF) is facing a crisis; virtually all of our military infrastructure and equipment is approaching the end of its life. This crisis allows us to develop a revitalized military, in the context of changing global security realities. The Harper government promised to “provide the Light after the Liberals’ Decade of Darkness.” Careful examination of their record finds political inaction, procurement ineptitude, and a withdrawal from Canada’s international contributions. Canada’s legacy on procurements is worrisome. For example, it has taken over 20 years for both the Sea King replacement and the Fixed-Wing Search and Rescue (FWSAR), as documented in the Byers/Webb report “The Worst Procurement in the History of Canada,” borrowing pointedly from the contradictory statements by then Defence Minister Peter MacKay. Canada must stop trying to re-invent the wheel. Tailoring our military equipment to suit Canadian terrain creates more equipment problems, and because the internal components of the equipment (helicopter, naval ship, tank) are so specialized, they are not widely available. The Canadian military must operate within a matrix of alliances. Canada has to work with a limited budget and resources. We have to consult with our international partners and ask them and ourselves what roles need to be filled that we as Canadians can afford and support. We could better serve our own interests, develop a stronger international presence, build a modern adaptive force, and cut costs by customizing our military to fill our alliance niches. After the 2008 Global Economic Crisis, NATO launched the “Smart Defense Initiative,” building upon existing frameworks for cooperation. It calls for greater coordination where member states specialize in specific, non-redundant capabilities and pursue joint acquisition of important and costly capabilities. For example, Canada’s CC-17 Globemaster provided the strategic airlift capability that the French needed in their Mali initiative. In a global political economy the costs due to non-state security threats cannot be ignored. Globalization and rapid technological developments, major demographic shifts, the rapid alterations in the traditional power structures of entire regions, and the rising prominence of non-state actors are leading to considerable changes to the nature of conflict. CF’s intervention opportunities include counter-terrorism, anti-piracy, peacekeeping, stability and support operations, humanitarian missions, infrastructure development, kidnappings, sabotage, sectarian violence, disaster relief, cyber-defense, harbour defence, monitoring global shipping, policing in failed states, supporting democratic political processes, training missions, and counter-narcotics operations. Whew! Somali piracy alone cost an estimated U.S. $18-billion, according to the World Bank. Currently, the Royal Canadian Navy is doing a magnificent job conducting anti-piracy and counter-narcotics operations in the Indian Ocean and Arabian Sea. Future conflicts will require a large and diverse skill set. A huge unconventional threat will be the increased political destabilization caused by climate crises. The U.S. Pentagon informed former president G.W. Bush that the largest security threat is climate disruption; Bush ignored their warnings. The growing effects of climate change have already compounded present instability in vulnerable regions. The loss of clean drinking water, irrigation, and crop failures are contributing to worsening socio-economic conditions. Within densely populated urban environments, human, environmental, and geographic complexities converge with non-combat threats like disease and pollution to present unique and difficult challenges to our forces. With Afghanistan behind us, opportunities exist for Canada’s re-engagement with NATO, UN peacekeeping, and the wider international community. The Harper government has turned its back on Canada’s reputation as a nation of peacekeepers. Under Harper’s watch, the Lester B. Pearson Peacekeeping Centre in Nova Scotia was closed in 2011, ending the Centre’s 17-year role of providing training to Canadian and foreign soldiers. Canada’s rank for contributing peacekeeping troops and police has plummeted to 63rd in the world. Canada is a major international shipping hub, but shipping remains a serious and under-represented security priority. New concerns are emerging over shipping in the now-opening Northwest Passage. Canada has virtually no infrastructure in the North. While melting polar ice accelerates a growing pressure to expand energy exploration there, the significant shipping concern remains our west coast. The value of cargo handled at the port of Vancouver alone is estimated at more than $75-billion, and container traffic is forecasted to triple by 2030. Before we focus military resources on the Arctic, we must first secure the higher priority and high traffic areas along our massive coastlines. Canada has a limited budget and resources. We have to put aside rhetoric, political ideology, and conventional military paradigms and take a hard look at the world around us and at ourselves as we move forward into the 21st century. Green Party MP and deputy leader Bruce Hyer represents Thunder Bay-Superior North, Ont. news@hilltimes.com The Hill Times

Canada’s legacy on procurements worrisome

Careful examination of the government’s record finds political inaction, procurement ineptitude, and a withdrawal from Canada’s international contributions.

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Canada’s legacy on procurements worrisome

Careful examination of the government’s record finds political inaction, procurement ineptitude, and a withdrawal from Canada’s international contributions.

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