By eliminating the background analysis component of MCs, what the current PM has ensured, with mandarin support, is that Cabinet records themselves have now become more sanitized, compromised, and even more brazenly secret.
PCO is using all kinds of newer platforms: from Twitter, blogs, a YouTube channel, podcasts, to photo galleries.
It’s time for the Prime Minister’s Office to be covered by the Access to Information Act.
From deleted ministerial staff emails, to emasculating a proposed private member’s federal sunshine salary bill, authorities want to continue excluding a wide swath of government records from public access.
A quick look at how Tory Cabinet ministers last June communicated a Canadian Border Services Agency announcement of increases to the personal travel exemption limit of goods that could be brought back into Canada.
Human Resources Canada’s loss of a hard drive with personal information of some 583,000 also raises questions about how much do we really know about the vast amount of personal information that the Canadian government or other governments hold.
A new kind of social media-savvy, youthful native rank-and-file leadership is emerging and it feels duped by Harper’s approach with his government’s fast-tracked legislative enactments and the government’s coordinated drive to resurface the look of reserves.
It’s important that a country be able to keep records of its past publicly accessible.
It’s a key case expected to be held next year as the outcome of how broad policy advice secrecy claims will affect how much public access there is to government records in all Canadian jurisdictions.
There is no comparable requirement for posting the exact salaries and benefits of government employees or the details of all transactions occurring between Ottawa’s legion of lobbyists and politicians and officials.
Parliament has done nothing for the Access to Information Act which can be a legal weapon that sheds light into corrupt practices, government waste, unhealthy consumer and environmental situations, and government privacy intrusions.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s rush to downgrade federal information holdings and services raises that concern.
We desperately need to change the way our federal, provincial, and territorial laws readily exclude and exempt basic financial and consumer data, avoiding public and Parliamentary scrutiny.
In a February judgment, the Supreme Court essentially broadened and strengthened the third-party notification privileges corporations have that delay release and second lowered the evidentiary standards that the government needs to follow to show that records should remain secret. This will result in much more government data being kept secret under access legislation.
Throwing the public the equivalent of two cute pandas or X-number of new data sets now and then, or undercutting Parliamentary committees’ work is not the equivalent of an open government partnership with the public.
The Privy Council Office approves several departments’ plans to create their own YouTube/Twitter sites.
No doubt the government of the day has the right to legislate and to remake policy, but eroding Ottawa’s shaky information management practices further for political reasons is not without penalties and does have some far-reaching negative consequences.
The International Conference of Information Commissioners held in Ottawa last week helped illustrate just how far behind Canada has fallen in progressive access to information circles. It’s not good.
Devon Jacobs, right, with Monte Solberg and Jim Armour at the 2012 Manning Networking Conference.
Devon Jacobs with former colleague Jim Patrick, Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau and Liberal MP Mauril Belanger at the 2013 all-party party.