These will be tumultuous times because it is not only austerity that is driving this government in its war with labour. It is being driven by ideology and plain old politics.
Michael Ferguson has toiled diligently in the service of the New Brunswick government and is now on the brink of becoming Canada’s new auditor general. But he should never get the job.
The government’s penchant for using its reinforced Parliamentary arsenal to curtail debate has been par for the course for a governing party that routinely closed down Parliament in the face of political adversity in its minority days.
This year has been remarkable for the number of federal, provincial and territorial elections, but it will also be recorded as the year of the status quo.
It’s the opposition parties’ turn to see their already shortened Parliamentary wings clipped by Harper’s majority.
Among the prospective candidates, none worked more closely with Layton than Topp. He was at the late leader’s side until the very end.
So it is hard to imagine the federal NDP heading into its second consecutive leadership race without a serious female leadership candidate; not one freighted with symbolism, but one who carries a realistic chance to win.
It won't serve him well as Treasury Board president. In that pivotal capacity, he will be in charge of tightening the belt of the federal government, and doing so under the wary surveillance of a suspicious chattering class.
Quebec is re-engaging on the national scene on terms that closely mirror the constitutional accord whose failure sparked its two-decade estrangement.
Under the Constitution, the power to initiate a discussion to reform Canada's parliamentary institutions does not rest exclusively with the federal government.
There's an emerging narrative designed to place the Parliamentary media squarely in the Conservative crosshairs recently vacated by Michael Ignatieff's Liberals.
It's a mood enhanced by the fact that for the first time in two decades, the priority of the vast majority of Quebec's MPs is not to demonstrate that Canada is a failed federation.
As counterintuitive as it may seem, that starts with preserving part of the Bloc Québécois' legacy in federal politics.
Relegated to the wilderness on May 2, the Liberals don't even seem to be able to agree they need a compass.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper will be returning to the Commons later this spring in control of the two Houses of Parliament for the first time. Depending on the scope of his ambitions, such free rein with the levers of power could prove more risky for his
'The end of the world' was how one shaken lifelong Liberal insider described his party's slide to third place behind the NDP last week. Throughout its distinguished history, the Liberal Party of Canada has never been further from power than official oppos
It used to be that Parliament was meant to tend to the issues that mattered most to voters. But now voters are being called upon to tend—through their votes—to the issues that matter most to Parliamentarians.
If the March 22 budget does trigger an election, the Liberals and the NDP will go into a spring campaign facing a headwind. They would then have five short weeks to turn the tide—a feat they have consistently failed to begin to accomplish so far.
As things stand today a PQ government would drag Quebecers into another referendum at the peril of its sovereigntist option.
If NDP and Liberal leaders Jack Layton and Michael Ignatieff had taken the advice of their elder statesmen and looked for a way to pool forces earlier this year, the result of their joint efforts would likely be doing better in the polls than their separa