The fact is that the pro-Trudeau trend is at least as solid among the Liberal base as it is with the fans who have flocked to the party as part of the leadership campaign.
Indeed, as NDP Leader Thomas Mulcair casts himself as a contender for the job of prime minister, he has a duty to give voters fair warning of his position on such fundamental issues.
But in the real world of 2013 Canadian politics, implementing the expert panel’s prescriptions will almost certainly lead to a collision between Quebec and Stephen Harper’s government.
Liberal MP Denis Coderre is not volunteering for the task.
Upon his resignation as premier, he could have bolted the door shut to a federal leadership run instead of courting inevitable speculation as to a future on Parliament Hill.
But if Justin Trudeau is to convince Canadians that he is the agent of a belated Liberal rebranding, it might help if he did.
But Stephen Harper’s strategists would not be experts at retail politics if they had not spotted at least two of their vulnerabilities to a Trudeau-led Liberal party.
In the year and a half since they secured a federal majority, the federal Conservatives’ success has translated into more provincial resistance than acquiescence.
If the premier aborts next month’s campaign take-off, the window for an election could be closed for at least a year.
In politics, few developments have more potential to reawaken the independent streak of a government MP than being repeatedly left out of a Cabinet shuffle.
John Manley and Mark Carney both have the kind of credentials that would put fear in Conservative hearts. It’s the Conservative Party’s worst-case scenario, says Chantal Hébert.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper needs a trio on the energy/environment/aboriginal front that is more into bridge building than bridge burning.
With only a few exceptions, the areas hardest hit by the proposed Conservative changes to the treatment of frequent employment insurance users sit squarely in opposition territory.
Quebec’s national conversation had already been in the process of shifting from a dialogue of the deaf over its constitutional status to a debate between progressives and conservatives.
The seeds of discontent that have sprung up in Quebec this spring could still find fertile soil to root themselves in elsewhere in Canada.
The two battles are being fought on different fields over different issues. But they are flip sides of the same bad coin: that of a debased democracy.
U.S. Ambassador Bruce Heyman, right, and his wife, Vicki, were all smiles at hosting their first Fourth of July bash in Ottawa. Some 3,000 guest attended. The mood was good and there was a lot of dancing, eating, and chatting.
Vicki and Bruce Heyman. The dress code was summer whites. The atmosphere was light and lovely.
Bluesky's Susan Smith, Ottawa University's Robert Asselin, and Bluesky's Tim Barber.
House of Commons protocol's Elizabeth Rody and Jane Kennedy.
Canadian Chamber of Commerce President Perrin Beatty, wearing a nice summer hat.
The National Arts Centre's Peter Herndorff and Rosemary Thompson.
Sisters, Maggie Creskey, left, and Hill Times publisher Anne Marie Creskey.
The guests on the front lawn of the U.S. ambassador's official residence in Ottawa's swishy Rockcliffe neighbourhood, high up above the Ottawa River.
Shaw's Alayne Crawford and Gary Clement, senior manager of GR at TD Bank (Toronto).
CCCE's Ailish Campbell, Ekos' Frank Graves, Amgen's Kim Furlong, and H&K's Jackie King.
Environics' Greg MacEachern, CPAC's Natalie LeMay-Calcutt, and Shaw's Jim Patrick.
CommuniquéDirect's Nick Masciantonio and MDA's Leslie Swartman.
Postmedia News columnist Andrew Coyne and Global TV News reporter Laura Stone.
Former Liberal MP Martha Hall Findlay, right, and a friend.