It is not just Canada’s environmentalists who have cause to hope Alberta’s decision to embrace the fight against global warming will be a game-changer. So does the oilsands industry.
From a Canadian perspective, it was on tone that an unscripted Justin Trudeau most came up short.
In fact, the Conservatives should not assume they hit rock bottom on Oct. 19.
For the first time, the province was the scene of a real four-way federal battle and while the Liberals came out on top, the NDP and the Conservatives both won more Quebec seats than the Bloc.
Over and above all other Cabinet choices, Justin Trudeau’s picks for the Finance and Environment portfolios are the ones that stand to define his rookie government.
An historic three-way battle may make for epic horse race stories, but it also invites caution, because all three men can smell victory.
By comparison, the manifesto published earlier this week by a group of high-profile activists comes across like a prescription for a revolution. Some of its leading signatories have long-standing ties to the New Democrats. It is hard to imagine that they inhabit the same planet as Mulcair’s NDP.
It is hard to connect enough dots to get a solid take on the big picture of the first NDP federal government. But reading between the lines of the fiscal framework, that government hardly looks like it was worth the 60-year wait of the Canadian Left.
The refugee crisis appeared on the campaign radar at a time when the Conservatives were in dire need of a shot of momentum after a bruising first month on the hustings.
NDP Leader Thomas Mulcair has been making some hefty promises on the way to a leading position in voting intentions.
For the many federal Liberals in Quebec who saw Trudeau as a saviour, the first three weeks of the election campaign have been sobering ones. The party is nowhere near where it had expected to be in Quebec.
Trudeau will have to fight hard just to hang on to the handful of Montreal seats that he inherited from Michael Ignatieff.
The assumption that any post-provincial-election ill will toward Wynne will drive votes to Harper in October could be flawed.
With the NDP on the rise outside Quebec, the incentive to continue to support Thomas Mulcair’s party is strong.
With the first federal campaign that will see the party start from behind only a summer away, the Bloc still has to nominate candidates in two-thirds of the province’s ridings.
To look at this week’s headlines and the fresh start they allude to is to take a trip back in time.
Unless the Bloc Québécois rises from the dead in October, the first Quebec vote to take place on PKP’s watch will turn into yet another sovereigntist wake.
For all Tom Mulcair’s success or, perhaps, because of it as the prosecutor-in-chief of the government in Commons, his profile outside Quebec remains both lower and not as voter-friendly as Justin Trudeau’s.
Is there a degree of religious-based anti-womanism that the Prime Minister believes Canadian values can accommodate and if so, who should draw the line? Does he seriously think that it is for governments to make freedom of religion a two- tiered right?
Attendees packed into Social on Sussex Drive last Thursday, a mix of Canada 2020 delegates and Hillites. The bar was lit up red and the party went on well into the wee hours of the morning.
Policy Options Editor Dan Gardner, Environics' Greg MacEachern, and Shaw's Jim Patrick.
Canadians for Clean Prosperity’s Tom Chervinsky and Mollie Anderson, with United Way Ottawa VP Adam Smith.
Canadian Association of Defence and Security Industries’ Nicholas Todd and Canada 2020’s Alex Patterson.
Adriana Vega, William Norman, and Liberal MP Anita Vandenbeld’s legislative assistant Hillary Buchan-Terrell.
NPR Radio host in D.C. David McGuffin and Liberal volunteer Mike Lapointe.
The Globe and Mail’s Adam Radwanski and Samara’s Kendall Anderson.
Great Work’s Jen Hunter and Allana Graham, flanking Canadian Home Builders' Association’s Jason Burggraaf.