With the NDP on the rise outside Quebec, the incentive to continue to support Thomas Mulcair’s party is strong.
With the first federal campaign that will see the party start from behind only a summer away, the Bloc still has to nominate candidates in two-thirds of the province’s ridings.
To look at this week’s headlines and the fresh start they allude to is to take a trip back in time.
Unless the Bloc Québécois rises from the dead in October, the first Quebec vote to take place on PKP’s watch will turn into yet another sovereigntist wake.
For all Tom Mulcair’s success or, perhaps, because of it as the prosecutor-in-chief of the government in Commons, his profile outside Quebec remains both lower and not as voter-friendly as Justin Trudeau’s.
Is there a degree of religious-based anti-womanism that the Prime Minister believes Canadian values can accommodate and if so, who should draw the line? Does he seriously think that it is for governments to make freedom of religion a two- tiered right?
Under the guise of a dark horse bid to replace former leader Tim Hudak, Conservative MP Patrick Brown is serving them a pre-emptive lesson.
Asking the Supreme Court for a six-month extension so that a new Parliament can deal comprehensively with the matter of assisted suicide would be one of those moments.
As counterintuitive as it may seem, opposing the bill is also less perilous politically for the NDP than supporting it.
For an MP who was growing uncomfortable with her party, Adams certainly fought hard for a Conservative nomination in the 2015 election.
That may explain why the opposition parties were more effusive in their praise of the departing minister in the House than was the statement issued by the Prime Minister’s Office.
Nothing short of a bulletproof final report—whenever it finally does come—will shore up its battered credibility.
The addition of 27 new ridings in Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia gives the ruling party quite a bit of room west of Quebec to make up for possible losses in Atlantic Canada.
When all is said and done the side effects of the remedy of a fixed-date election law are turning out be more harmful to sound policy-making than the ills it was meant to cure.
It is increasingly hard to see how the federal government can exercise leadership or advance an agenda for the country from an Ottawa bunker.
These are allegations that would do serious damage to anyone’s reputation. That damage is compounded when they are levelled—as is the case in this instance—at elected individuals whose stock in trade is public trust.
When all is said and done, the grim political fate that Massimo Pacetti and Scott Andrews have incurred for their alleged sins will go a longer way to deter future Parliamentary offenders than any after-the-fact remedy.
Few are more vulnerable to allegations of personal misconduct than elected politicians and there has long been an implicit gentlemen’s agreement (pun intended) between the parties to deal with such matters under the radar. Until now.